Development and Destruction:
Industry and Segregation in New Haven’s Neighborhoods
Adam Hagens, '23
Issue: 1
2023 Recipient of the Delaney Kiphuth Prize in History
Introduction
In the summer of 1955, the streets of New Haven’s Oak Street neighborhood were filled with a vibrant culture and a sense of community. Although it was one of the poorest neighborhoods of its time in New Haven, Oak Street was practically devoid of crime. Vendors, many of whom had traveled up from North and South Carolina to meet their African American families, hawked their wares in the streets. At this time, citizens of Italian, Irish, Jewish, and African American descent all called the community home.[1] The neighborhood undoubtedly would have seemed idyllic to anyone inhabiting it at the time. However, what none of the neighborhood's residents on that summer day could have known was that in only four years their lives would be upturned.
The Federal Highway Act of 1956 proved to be the first warning of Oak Street’s looming destruction. The act stated that “it is the intent of the Congress that the interstate system be completed as nearly as practicable over a thirteen-year period and that the entire system in all the states be brought to simultaneous completion.”[2] Congress allocated its funds and resources to the building of car-centric infrastructure, much of which ran through the land under ethnically diverse and low income communities, which the government confiscated by eminent domain.[3] In 1959, the city of New Haven took advantage of the recently passed act and moved ahead with the destruction of the historic Oak Street community. Mayor Richard C. Lee had planned for New Haven to be an urban paradise, and had high hopes for the development of the city. Black and brown people, however, did not fit within Lee’s vision of an ideal urban society.[4] In an increasingly car-dominated world, Lee chose to destroy Oak Street in order to build a new section of Route 34 called the Oak Street Connector. In one fell swoop, 881 homes and 350 businesses were demolished for the sake of a more expansive road network.[5]
The Oak Street connector was just one example of the development and eventual destruction of New Haven’s low income neighborhoods, notably Newhallville. Whether it was due to White people’s fears of being replaced in the workforce or in their neighborhoods, poor and Black neighborhoods in New Haven were discriminated against over and over again. Though the forces in control changed over time, from industrial companies to Richard C. Lee’s government, powerful authorities sought to keep Black neighborhoods poor by suppressing their populations, contributing to long-term implicit segregation and disenfranchisement. In the period from 1851 to 1970, efforts to control economic growth in Newhallville caused social unrest and widespread disenfranchisement, while other neighborhoods, like Hamden’s Spring Glen, directly north of Newhallville, thrived and developed.
Section 1: Newhall’s Legacy
Newhallville’s story begins at the turn of the 19th century, when the first manufacturer developed the lands which would later become the neighborhood. In 1798 Eli Whitney, an American inventor, constructed affordable housing for bachelors to work in his factory on Prospect Hill. The houses were cheap and cramped, but sufficed to shelter the small contingent of workers Whitney desired. Whitney’s strategy to create a community dependent on labor opportunities which he provided created a neighborhood almost entirely reliant on blue-collar jobs.[6]
Although he created the factory, it was not Whitney, however, who truly formed Newhallville into the more modern neighborhood it would become. Taking advantage of the easy access to cheap labor which Whitney had created, in 1849 an industrialist named George Newhall decided to establish his carriage factory next to the community which Eli Whitney had originally built. Using cheap labor, mostly from immigrants, Newhall’s carriage industry began to boom.[7] At this point, Newhall’s desire for cheap labor was largely independent of race, however, as he employed a wide variety of immigrants and poor young men. What truly mattered was that he had access to a cheap and reliable workforce, which allowed New Haven’s carriage industry to enter an unprecedented golden age.
Newhall introduced a new innovation in his factory, allowing him to transition from a decently profitable company into an industrial leader. Using steam power, Newhall was able to greatly reduce costs and increase production speed for his carriages, allowing the carriage industry to boom in New Haven. More people came flooding into Newhallville, seeking work which was provided by the carriage factory.[8] With Newhall’s training, these workers were able to quickly and efficiently build complex horse-drawn carriages for the wide consumer base they appealed to (see Appendix A). The years from 1860 to the early 1870s were a time of unprecedented growth for the neighborhood, pushing it even further into the reliance on factory labor for which it had been created. Newhall’s business grew to the point that his factory was briefly the largest carriage factory in the world, producing a staggering one vehicle per hour.[9]
Appendix A
​ Newhall Carriage. Floyd Shumway and Richard Hegel, New Haven: An Illustrated History, republished, paperback ed. (New Haven: New Haven Colony Historical Society, 1987), 80.
However, the success could not last forever. While New Haven’s carriage industry was, for many years, one of the nation’s largest, demand for carriages dropped in the late 1860’s, at the onset of the Civil War.[10] In fact, the Civil War had such a massive effect on New Haven’s carriage industry that the Chamber of Commerce in New Haven stated that “the breaking out of the Civil War during this year utterly prostrated those industries for a time, and seemed likely to permanently destroy them; especially was this true of those relating to carriages, which, having southern connections to a large extent, lost heavily.”[11] Newhall lost $61,000 dollars worth of accounts in the South, which he was never able to collect after the Civil War. This loss spelled the end for his factory, which Newhall was forced to sell in 1872.[12] Nonetheless, Newhall’s strategy had set a standard which would be followed by his successors; if you could control the labor in a whole neighborhood, you could also assure your own financial success.
Newhall turned Whitney’s small industrial town into a sizable community, which was designed for the express purpose of providing him jobs. Newhall therefore relied on a steady stream of laborers willing to do hard factory work. While Newhall’s success in the carriage industry had allowed him to define Newhallville as an industrial community making use of cheap labor, his factory’s decline also played an important role in allowing new industrial powers to seize control of the neighborhood. At this point in time, the desire for cheap labor was almost entirely independent of race, and more closely defined to class, but in the decades to come the framework established by Newhall would be refined and repurposed along racial lines.
Section 2: The Winchester Factory
​
In 1872, just one year after Newhall’s carriage factory closed its doors, a new factory opened in Newhallville, owned by the Winchester Repeating Arms Company.[13] Under the new factory’s leadership, business began to thrive in a similar fashion as it had in Newhall’s age. Immigrants continued to be a reliable source of labor for the Winchester Arms Factory. Each new wave of immigrants came to fill the jobs left behind by those before them, and dominated Newhallville’s demographics in their own times, from Germans in the early 1900s to Italians in the 1940s. The final and most substantial group of newcomers were Black Americans between 1910 and 1970, moving up from the South. Slowly but surely, this Black population became the majority of Newhallville’s demographic makeup.[14]
Although the Winchester factory relied heavily on the Black population in Newhallville, it soon became clear that work opportunities for this group would be hindered by racism. When some Black workers were given more skilled positions at Winchester, they encountered severe pushback from Winchester's skilled White workers, who, according to Newhallville citizen Matthew Bloom, "were violent and discriminatory towards Black workers as they sought to protect their jobs against the encroaching Black population.”[15] The few White workers at Winchester sought to keep Black workers in menial positions, likely out of fear of losing their jobs. This proved to be the most significant difference between Newhall’s factory and Winchester; at Winchester, a clear racial hierarchy was established by the start of the 20th century. Unlike the other immigrants who had filled the unskilled labor force before them, Newhallville’s new Black population was unable to achieve social mobility and move out of the neighborhood.
There were some exceptions to the rule of Black laborers being kept in menial labor positions, but they only served to prove the extent to which opportunities to rise were denied from other Black workers. One worker, named Lawrence Young, stated in an interview with the Greater New Haven Labor History Association, “We were the first two [Blacks] ever hired in the woodwork department at Winchester.”[16] Young experienced a lot of prejudice at the factory, since White workers were unwilling to help him learn skilled labor. They feared Newhallville’s Black population would replace them in the labor force, but Young managed to circumvent this prejudice, because, as he told the Historical Society’s interviewer, “I already knew how to do [the work].”[17] Nonetheless, the racist backlash which Young experienced was indicative of the growing racial prejudice building up in New Haven’s White population, and of the benefits that many of Winchester’s White leaders found in keeping their Black blue collar workers away from opportunities to learn skilled labor.
Systemic suppression of Newhallville’s Black population’s work opportunities now began to play a role. The New Haven government began to support Winchester’s interests, by employing policies that effectively kept Black workers in the neighborhood. Black workers from Newhallville were often denied mortgages in richer neighborhoods, keeping them in Newhallville and in turn keeping them under the Winchester factory’s control.[18] Factory labor seemed like an inescapable fate for many African Americans at the turn of the 20th century. In New Haven they were unfairly kept out of certain areas of business, restricting their progress and ability to accumulate wealth for generations to come. In fact, in 1920 there were still no African American white collar workers in New Haven.[19] A lack of access to fair work kept the community from prospering economically, and in combination with the inability to obtain homes in other areas, steadily transformed Newhallville from a vibrant growing community to a stagnant slum.
The decline of Newhallville was most clearly visible through the example of the destruction of the trolley line, which had originally run up and down Whitney Avenue, providing easy access to New Haven’s center. In 1948 the trolley line was discontinued, later to be replaced by a road and bus line (see Appendix B). This new infrastructure benefitted rich White citizens working at Winchester who were now afforded the opportunity to live further from the city center and commute through the use of cars. However, the newly built infrastructure did little to benefit the lives of Newhallville’s Black population, whose wages did not enable them to afford automobiles.[20]
Appendix B
​Dixwell Avenue Trolley. The Hamden Chronicle (Hamden, CT), September 23, 1948, accessed March 10, 2023, http://www.hamdenhistoricalsociety.org/trolleys.html.
Through the developments at the Winchester factory, it had become clear that factory owners benefited from the poor Black population of Newhallville which had arrived during the Great Migration. Both because of the need for a stable and cheap workforce, and as a result of the fears of their more skilled White workers, the Winchester factory’s administration demonstrated through its actions that it believed it was beneficial to maintain the status quo in Newhallville by discouraging social and economic mobility. However, soon Winchester’s era of prosperity would come to an end. In 1965, Winchester moved its main production west, slowly phasing out the use of its New Haven factory. Although the factory remained, changing ownership several times over the following decades, the vast majority of the jobs it provided were lost as it downsized.[21] Despite the company’s decline, the racist systems which Winchester had put in place remained strong, and would soon catch the interest of a far more powerful group who saw a similar benefit in controlling Newhallville’s population, though for slightly different reasons: the New Haven government.
Section 3: Effects of Legislation
In 1937, three decades before Winchester moved its headquarters, the New Haven government’s first direct intervention in Newhallville’s prosperity began, with the help of Federal organizations. The HOLC, or Home Owners’ Loan Corporation, was created in 1933 under the Home Owners’ Loan Act of 1933. Although the stated purpose of the act was conforming to the spirit of FDR’s “New Deal” plan to “to provide emergency relief with respect to home mortgage indebtedness, to refinance home mortgages, [and] to extend relief to the owners of homes occupied by them,” the act gave HOLC the power to grade neighborhoods, determining which areas could or couldn’t be eligible to receive loans.[22] The HOLC graded each neighborhood on a simple scale in a color coded map (see Appendix C). Therefore, while the act was beneficial for more affluent White neighborhoods that were capable of receiving higher grades, it actually harmed those that couldn't. In 1937, Newhallville was rated a “C” grade, for “definitely declining,” on the HOLC residential safety map.[23] While not the worst rating, this rating had a decidedly negative effect on the ability of Newhallville’s citizens to obtain loans, and was the first example of formalized redlining in Newhallville.
Appendix C
"Home Owners' Loan Corporation Map, New Haven, CT," map, 1937, accessed March 29, 2023, https://energyhistory.yale.edu/library-item/home-owners-loan-corporation-map-new-haven-ct-1937.
Redlining is the practice in which the HOLC targeted Black neighborhoods by labeling them as high-risk areas for mortgage lenders. Race and class became linked by law as Black citizens of the U.S. were unable to obtain homes outside of poor Black communities, restricting their social mobility.[24] The HOLC created maps which zoned neighborhoods in New Haven by their "desirability," ranking them in descending order from “A” to “D”. As a result of this system, citizens in low-ranking neighborhoods were unable to get loans, and their current neighborhoods were denied funding from the city government due to their ranking.[25] Newhallville’s “C” rating meant that workers at the Winchester factory were unable to move out of Newhallville to find better work in other areas of town, and once the Winchester factory closed they were left with no work at all. Workers found that not only were their own homes valued less due to the HOLC’s evaluations, but also that they were unable to get loans in other neighborhoods with better job opportunities.
Much of the legislation behind the actions of the HOLC was continued in the Demonstration Cities and Redevelopment Act of 1966. The act's express purpose was “to assist comprehensive city demonstration programs for rebuilding slum and blighted areas”.[26] Although congress claimed that its goal was to “improve the general welfare of those areas,” the very terminology of “blight” to describe the poor Black neighborhoods highlighted the perception of government agencies: the neighborhoods must be destroyed. New Haven’s use of the federal money provided by the act in the following decades, however, would prove to be the most poignant indication of the act’s prejudiced outcomes.
Richard C. Lee was New Haven's mayor from 1954-1970, and under his leadership the government’s intervention in local New Haven neighborhoods increased to unprecedented levels as he attempted to reorganize the city.[27] Under Lee’s guidance, the New Haven redevelopment agency created the “New New Haven Plan,” which aimed to appease the worries of White suburban residents concerned about poor Black communities they viewed as dangerous.[28]
Though the name “New New Haven” calls to mind imagery of development and progress, it was in reality a very destructive process. “The New New Haven Plan” claimed that its hope was to revitalize New Haven through a tactic called Urban Renewal. Urban Renewal was a process designed to help revitalize cities with use of federal grants, but it often resulted in negative effects as racially diverse and poor neighborhoods were destroyed or moved, displacing their populations. Rich White citizens often had more say in government, and wished to contain poor Black ghettos away from city centers.[29] The same fears which had led to lack of job mobility for African Americans under the Winchester factory’s rule were now being made visible on a far broader scale, namely that of the government.
The destruction of neighborhoods like Oak Street forced large diverse populations to move into already stressed communities such as Newhallville, which became more cramped and dangerous as a result. Unsurprisingly, the process of Urban Renewal under the “New New Haven” plan caused large-scale unrest in New Haven. According to the Columbus Ledger, a newspaper from Georgia in 1967:
Around 200 state troopers joined New Haven Police in trying to enforce an 8 PM curfew in Negro neighborhoods. Officers used tear gas to disperse a jeering crowd on the streets. A police officer said the jeering crowds seem to be "getting bolder" in the four troubled sections, The Hill, Newhallville, Fairhaven, and Dixwell, which fan out from the downtown section.[30]
​
The article notably defined Newhallville as a Black neighborhood, demonstrating the extent to which the formerly economic divisions of Newhallville from the mid-19th century had transformed into divisions of race. The cruelty of “New New Haven” was evident, as police officers were willing to use unprecedented levels of force to control Newhallville’s Black population. Military force was used to suppress protests and keep the population in place.
Although its stated purpose was to revitalize New Haven into a new metropolis, the “New New Haven” plan was influenced by the racist fears of New Haven’s White citizens, who ultimately hoped to keep Black people sectioned off in poor neighborhoods. Therefore, the New Haven government’s actions in the mid-20th century only served to strengthen the systems that had been developing in Newhallville for the past century.
Section 4: The Spring Glen Connection
​
Less than three miles away from Newhallville, Hamden’s Spring Glen neighborhood benefited from the HOLC’s actions just as Newhallville suffered. A former Newhallville resident and member of New Haven’s legislative counsel, Justin Farmer, claimed that the Spring Glen neighborhood was a product of White flight from neighborhoods such as his own in the 1950s. As new roads were built in places like Newhallville, White workers who could afford cars moved further away from the city centers, and away from the Black neighborhoods they viewed as undesirable.[31] As a result, neighborhoods like Newhallville continued to suffer economic decline and became more racially homogeneous, as many of the White people still left in the area sought to leave for Hamden.
On the HOLC safety map, the Spring Glen neighborhood was given an “A” rating for “Best”.[32] As a result, the Federal Housing Administration kept Spring Glen White, using the sanctioned denial of loans in order to prevent Black people from buying homes in the area. Spring Glen, despite being directly next to Newhallville, was spared its fate, because it lacked the industrial history and racial makeup of its neighbor.
Rather than the industrial history dominated by the common theme of factory exploitation, Spring Glen’s history was much more fortunate. According to a pamphlet from 1922, Spring Glen was already classified as a “Restricted Residential Suburb” from its early conception (see Appendix D). This classification made it the perfect neighborhood for the White flight from neighborhoods such as Newhallville. Because Spring Glen’s history had not been shaped by industrial powers like its nearby neighbors, it was home to a richer White population, which was not viewed as a threat, and was therefore spared from the government’s redlining policies later in the century.
Appendix D
Spring Glen Estates (1922), 1, accessed April 1, 2023, https://hqnn.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Screen-Shot-2021-04-26-at-7.39.58-AM.png.
Conclusion
​
Newhallville’s legacy was shaped almost entirely by powerful entities with differing agendas. Newhall required a cheap available labor source, which he found in immigrants moving into New Haven. Winchester, who adopted Newhall’s strategy, found by chance that a large population of Black workers had moved into the neighborhood during the Great Migration. As race and class became intertwined, New Haven’s industrial powers pushed Black workers away from skilled labor. Although these strategies were effective in running a profitable business, they created dangerous and stagnant communities which Mayor Lee attempted to revitalize. As a result, the racist policies of redlining and violent suppression of protests in Newhallville were inadvertently affected by the factories which had controlled the neighborhoods in the past. The development of the neighborhood was unique from those around it, and suited for industrial labor. What it became, however, was far more tragic. The Newhallville neighborhood was suppressed and effectively destroyed, changing it from a vibrant area of culture and community into a poor and underdeveloped community, with no job opportunities and little room for social mobility.
Racism pervaded New Haven’s society, but it alone was not enough to condemn Newhallville to its fate. Over a span of nearly a hundred years, White leaders repeatedly benefited from keeping Newhallville’s population poor and contained. Through manipulation of infrastructure and job opportunities, these perceived benefits could be acted on, leaving Newhallville in a desperate, but sadly not unfamiliar situation.
Much like the historic Oak Street neighborhood, Newhallville was reduced by self-interested powers from its former status as a thriving community of low income workers, to a much darker fate. Although their specific histories are different, the destruction of Oak Street and the stagnation of Newhallville seem to run parallel to one another, as their fates were almost arbitrarily sealed by the same flawed process of urban renewal. Merely because of their low-income and non-white demographics, Oak Street and Newhallville were both condemned, while nearby similar neighborhoods remained prosperous. As a result, the legacy of New Haven’s companies and governmental administrations still lingers in the modern day, even as they themselves have faded into the annals of history.
Bibliography
Columbus Ledger (Columbus, Georgia), August 22, 1967. https://infoweb-newsbank-com.hopkins.idm.oclc.org/apps/news/document-view?p=EANX-K12&docref=image/v2%3A1126154AC3F56D80%40EANX-K12-16B8374AA36AF21C%402439725-16B83583693AC891%402-16B83583693AC891%40.
Dawidoff, Nicholas. The Other Side of Prospect: A Story of Violence, Injustice, and the American City. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, 2022.
Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act, Pub. L. No. 89-754, 80 Stat. (Nov. 3, 1966). https://catalog.archives.gov/id/299945.
Disalvo, Emily. "Hamden Confronts Legacy of Segregation." New Haven Independent (New Haven, CT), April 27, 2021. Accessed November 30, 2022. https://www.newhavenindependent.org/article/hamdensegregation_.
"Downtown Crossing New Haven: History." Downtown Crossing New Haven. Accessed November 30, 2022. https://downtowncrossingnewhaven.com/history/.
Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956, Pub. L. No. 94-280, 70 Stat. (May 5, 1976).
The Hamden Chronicle (Hamden, CT), September 23, 1948. Accessed March 10, 2023. http://www.hamdenhistoricalsociety.org/trolleys.html.
Hegel, Richard. Carriages from New Haven: New Haven's Nineteenth-Century Carriage Industry. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1974.
Home Owners' Loan Act of 1933, H.R. 5240 (June 13, 1933). Accessed March 13, 2023. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/title/850.
"Home Owners' Loan Corporation Map, New Haven, CT." Map. 1937. Accessed March 29, 2023. https://energyhistory.yale.edu/library-item/home-owners-loan-corporation-map-new-haven-ct-1937.
The Industries of New Haven and Vicinty [sic]. New Haven: The Chamber of Commerce of New Haven, 1897.
Jackson, Mandi Isaacs. Model City Blues: Urban Space and Organized Resistance in New Haven. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2008.
King, Noel. "A Brief History of How Racism Shaped Interstate Highways." National Public Radio, April 7, 2021. Accessed November 30, 2022. https://www.npr.org/2021/04/07/984784455/a-brief-history-of-how-racism-shaped-interstate-highways.
Seaberry, Camille. "CT Data Story: Housing Segregation in Greater New Haven." DataHaven, May 5, 2018. Accessed November 30, 2022. https://www.ctdatahaven.org/reports/ct-data-story-housing-segregation-greater-new-haven.
Shumway, Floyd, and Richard Hegel. New Haven: An Illustrated History. Republished, paperback ed. New Haven: New Haven Colony Historical Society, 1987.
Spring Glen Estates. 1922. Accessed April 1, 2023. https://hqnn.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Screen-Shot-2021-04-26-at-7.39.58-AM.png.
"Urban Renewal." The Inclusive Historian's Handbook. Last modified November 12, 2019. Accessed December 11, 2022. https://inclusivehistorian.com/urban-renewal/#:~:text=Urban%20renewal%20is%20the%20process,HUD)%20grant%20and%20loan%20program.
Young, Lawrence. "Our Community at Winchester." Interview. Greater New Haven Labor History Association. Accessed February 20, 2023. https://exhibits.winchesterworkers.gnhlha.org/panel38.html.
Footnotes
[1] "Downtown Crossing New Haven: History," Downtown Crossing New Haven, accessed November 30, 2022, https://downtowncrossingnewhaven.com/history/.
[2] Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956, Pub. L. No. 94-280, 70 Stat. (May 5, 1976).
[3] Noel King, "A Brief History of How Racism Shaped Interstate Highways," National Public Radio, April 7, 2021, accessed November 30, 2022, https://www.npr.org/2021/04/07/984784455/a-brief-history-of-how-racism-shaped-interstate-highways.
[4] Mandi Isaacs Jackson, Model City Blues: Urban Space and Organized Resistance in New Haven (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2008), 6.
[5] "Downtown Crossing," Downtown Crossing New Haven.
[6] Nicholas Dawidoff, The Other Side of Prospect: A Story of Violence, Injustice, and the American City (New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, 2022), 38.
[7] Dawidoff, Other Side, 38.
[8] Floyd Shumway and Richard Hegel, New Haven: An Illustrated History, republished, paperback ed. (New Haven: New Haven Colony Historical Society, 1987), 81.
[9] Richard Hegel, Carriages from New Haven: New Haven's Nineteenth-Century Carriage Industry (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1974), 39.
[10] Shumway and Hegel, New Haven, 81.
[11] The Industries of New Haven and Vicinty [sic] (New Haven: The Chamber of Commerce of New Haven, 1897, 59, cited by Richard Hegel, Carriages from New Haven: New Haven's Nineteenth-Century Carriage Industry (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1974), 60.
[12] Hegel, Carriages from, 39.
[13] Dawidoff, Other Side, 40.
[14] Emily Disalvo, "Hamden Confronts Legacy of Segregation," New Haven Independent (New Haven, CT), April 27, 2021, accessed November 30, 2022, https://www.newhavenindependent.org/article/hamdensegregation_.
[15] Dawidoff, Other Side, 44.
[16] Lawrence Young, "Our Community at Winchester," interview, Greater New Haven Labor History Association, accessed February 20, 2023, https://exhibits.winchesterworkers.gnhlha.org/panel38.html.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Disalvo, "Hamden Confronts,".
[19] Dawidoff, Other Side, 30.
[20] Disalvo, "Hamden Confronts,".
[21] Dawidoff, Other Side, 40.
[22] Home Owners' Loan Act of 1933, H.R. 5240 (June 13, 1933). Accessed March 13, 2023. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/title/850.
[23] Camille Seaberry, "CT Data Story: Housing Segregation in Greater New Haven," DataHaven, May 5, 2018, accessed November 30, 2022, https://www.ctdatahaven.org/reports/ct-data-story-housing-segregation-greater-new-haven.
[24] Jackson, Model City, 6.
[25] Seaberry, "CT Data."
[26] Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act, Pub. L. No. 89-754, 80 Stat. (Nov. 3, 1966). https://catalog.archives.gov/id/299945.
[27] Jackson, Model City, 6.
[28] Ibid., 6.
[29] "Urban Renewal," The Inclusive Historian's Handbook, last modified November 12, 2019, accessed December 11, 2022, https://inclusivehistorian.com/urban-renewal/#:~:text=Urban%20renewal%20is%20the%20process,HUD)%20grant%20and%20loan%20program.
[30] Columbus Ledger (Columbus, Georgia), August 22, 1967, 1, https://infoweb-newsbank-com.hopkins.idm.oclc.org/apps/news/document-view?p=EANX-K12&docref=image/v2%3A1126154AC3F56D80%40EANX-K12-16B8374AA36AF21C%402439725-16B83583693AC891%402-16B83583693AC891%40.
[31] Disalvo, "Hamden Confronts,".
[32] Seaberry, "CT Data."