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To Be Separate or Silent: Religion and Prison Systems in Nineteenth-Century America

Julia DiMiceli, '25

Issue: 1

American prison systems in the 19th century existed in a period of intense social change. At the turn of the 19th century, America was becoming its own country, separating itself from the practices of England, all the while going through many reform movements. In addition to reform, this period contained a significant Protestant religious revival, the Second Great Awakening. The combination of separation, reform, and new-found religious awareness led to an overturning of the American penal system. Originally, American methods of consequences for crimes were reflective of the English methods, which were harsh and primarily focused on physical punishment. These practices included branding, ear cropping, public stocks and whipping posts. However, since America did not have a monarch that relied on public displays of punishment and power for control of the population, the government was able to implement new, more effective methods of consequences and rehabilitation when ideas of penal reform started to sweep the nation. Thus, the idea of the penitentiary in America was born—what many believed to be a more fair and humane way to deal with criminals. While a few different penal systems emerged in lieu of brutal public lashings and executions, by 1830 two main systems had cemented themselves as established practices—the separate system and the silent system. The details differed, but both centered around the concept of solitary confinement. Of the two, the separate system was considerably more concerned with the reformation of prisoners; officials intended it to be focused on the spiritual welfare of the convicts. The silent system had harsher intentions; it was less concerned with the reformation of convicts’ souls, and more focused on practical methods of dealing with prisoners. The influence of religious groups' beliefs, specifically those of the Quakers and the Puritans, led to the notable differences between the separate system and the silent system. The resulting difference in ideologies behind each system, combined with the economic greed of those in charge of the prisons and the industrialization of the outside world eventually allowed the silent system to overtake the separate system.


The Quakers’ view on humanity’s capacity for reform influenced the development of the separate system’s ideology and function. The Quakers believed in both the inherent goodness of human beings and the Inner Light—the concept that God exists in every person and thus every person has an individual connection to God.[1] These beliefs led to the mindset that, since people were good at their cores, convicts who had sinned and lost their way could still become good, God-fearing citizens if they re-opened themselves to the Inner Light.[2] The Quakers believed that the ability to do so came from rehabilitation in prison.[3] With their political influence, the Quakers helped to create the separate system so that it functioned in a way that was consistent with their beliefs.[4] The Quaker community thrived in Pennsylvania and New Jersey—due to the religious acceptance of the area—which led to the state of Pennsylvania constructing the Eastern State Penitentiary in 1829, the first successful model of the separate system. Due to the system’s origins, many also called it the Pennsylvania system. 


The idea behind the separate system was, as the name suggests, to keep the convicts separate. This concept emerged partially in response to a European practice called the classification system. This classification system grouped criminals of similar sorts together, and, as The Daily Record Union, a California-based newspaper, describes it, “each prison was not only a poisonous and pestilential den, but a college of vice and crime, where the confirmed criminal learned new villanies, and whence the innocent were sure to emerge corrupted.”[5] The Quakers’ concern with the rehabilitation of the convicts and desire for them to abandon their life of crime, combined with their knowledge of the classification system’s failures, led to a belief that convicts’ association with other convicts would cause the prisoners’ downfalls. To prevent the inmates from dragging each other back into crime, the Quakers ensured that the inmates had no opportunity to influence each other by keeping them entirely separate. While solitary confinement is a common term to describe these prisoners’ situations, supporters of the system did not refer to it that way. In testimony before the Legislative Investigating Committee on May 13, 1897, Michael J. Cassidy, a warden with thirty-seven years of service at the Eastern State Penitentiary, engaged in a line of questioning from the committee:
 

Q. – Are there cases here of what is commonly known as solitary confinement, where a prisoner is kept entirely by himself ? A. – No, sir; there never was such a thing here. Q. – What is the least number you put in a cell? A. – One. That is not solitary confinement. An occupant of a cell has communication with the people who come to the prison, except the convicts.[6]  

Cassidy denied the term “solitary confinement” with the claim that, even though there was only one convict in each cell and convicts were not allowed to communicate with each other, they were not entirely solitary. His claim conveys that the people in charge did not believe they were harming the prisoners by denying them connection with their peers and also hints at the existence of other people with whom the convicts could speak. The most significant of these people included the resident chaplains and visiting clergy.[7] As the Quakers’ objective was to have the convicts re-discover the Inner Light, they provided free access to resources that would help the convicts to do so. These resources included a resident chaplain whose only job was to focus on the spiritual rebirth of the prisoners, missionaries who went to the prisons to conduct revivals, and prisoner access to the Bible, hymnals, and prayer books.[8] The Quakers intended these resources, in tandem with the many solitary hours, to provide convicts with the opportunity to reflect upon their lives and rediscover the Inner Light, and, therefore, become reformed citizens.     
   

Puritan ideology also influenced a penal system—the silent system—that was focused on practicality without the same care the Quakers exhibited for the well-being of the inmates. The Puritans, in contrast to the Quakers, believed that while God chose some for salvation, the majority of humanity was condemned to eternal damnation. When deciding who they believed was eligible for salvation, Puritans did not have faith that convicted criminals fell into that category. Consequently, the Puritan way of designing a prison system did not focus exclusively on the reform of the convicts, as they believed that salvation of actual sinners was not possible. Rather, the Puritan silent system focused on dealing with the irredeemable inmates in a way that Puritans, as the people in charge, could benefit most. 

The Puritans, while they settled all over New England, had a number of communities in New York and Massachusetts. Their occupation and influence in New York allowed for the first silent system-based prison, Auburn State Prison, to arise there in 1817. G. Powers, an agent and keeper there, writes “the whole duty of a convict, in this Prison, is to obey orders, labor diligently in silence, and whenever it is necessary for him to speak to a Keeper, to do it with a humble sense of his degraded situation.”[9] The harshness of Powers’s chosen vocabulary—with words like “duty,” “obey,” and “degraded”—suggests a cold and harsh mindset rather than one that focused on the support of convicts as they attempted rehabilitation. Some critics of the silent system believed that it was cruel to congregate prisoners but not allow them to speak with each other—a practice that reflects the name “silent system.” The Philadelphia North American writes, “There is something like a mockery of human nature, in putting men with hearts and tongues into each other's company, and yet forbid them to speak or make a sign under penalty of stripes, or some other suffering.”[10] While the newspaper was likely biased against the silent system, due to the fact that it was based in a predominantly Quaker area, it nevertheless highlights the moving spotlight of priorities away from the reformation and welfare of the prisoners. Powers also writes in his account of the Auburn State Prison that “one object in the confinement of convicts is, to secure society from their depredations.”[11] However, historian Martin B. Miller explains, “it was but one rhetorical step further to argue that the ‘defense of society’ is also for the good of the offender; to be punished, therefore, to be disciplined, is to be "corrected" and reformed; therefore all things done in the name of punishment may be also justified as reformative.”[12] Using this logic, the silent system was able to justify practices—such as caning a convict so hard for allegedly breaking the rules that the cane started to break—that did not expressly support the reform narrative.[13] The Puritans did not prioritize convicts' spiritual or physical welfare during imprisonment because they believed that most were already damned for eternity.


Due to their contrasting approaches to the management of convicts, the separate and silent systems also demonstrated differing priorities when it came to economics. The construction costs of separate system prisons were substantially more than those of the silent system. For example, the Eastern State Penitentiary, a separate system prison, cost over $600,000 to build, or approximately $1,023 per cell, while the Auburn State Prison, a prison operating under the silent system, cost about $450,000 in total to build, or $584 per cell.[14] Some might assume that since the separate system was almost double the cost of the silent system on a per-cell basis, the separate system administration would prioritize generating revenue. However, this assumption was not the case. The Quakers viewed additional so-called luxury costs, such as new furniture and dining tools, as worthwhile because they were focused on the welfare of the convicts. Warden Cassidy stated, “Cost should not enter into the question of prison-keeping. The prison should be conducted as economically as possible, but the mere question of cost, a dollar or two here and there at the sacrifice of everything else, should not be taken into account.”[15] The warden’s opinion is significant, as he was immersed in the administration of the separate system for 37 years—long enough that his opinions likely reflected those of the separate system administrators more broadly. Conversely, despite the silent system’s low cost compared to the separate system, operators of the silent system were intensely focused on its economics. In reference to the Western State Penitentiary, a silent system-based prison, Cassidy argued that those running it “were impregnated with the idea of making money and making it fast.”[16] The silent system’s focus on making money instead of spending it was a well-known legacy. These differing stances on financial management influenced the style of labor within each system.

 


The separate system used individual labor as solely a method of reform, not as a means to pay off expenses or as a punishment. While the practices of the separate system-based prisons demonstrate reformist intentions, Warden Cassidy’s words provide further evidence of this view of labor, as he states “the only way to reform any criminal class is to teach them to appreciate the value of industry [...] Labor is not a punishment in any sense, anywhere, or under any condition of circumstances.”[17] Instead of using labor to punish convicts, prison administrators of the separate system believed that the “severest punishment in [their] institution” was to rescind a convict’s labor privileges.[18] So, instead of having negative connotations, labor was a vehicle for convicts to instill self-discipline and healthy work habits.[19] To remain in line with Quaker beliefs, the layout of the cells facilitated the continual separation of prisoners while they labored; each cell had a workbench with materials and a foldaway bed that allowed for more workspace during the day. Because of the Quakers’ influence on the separate system, namely the importance that they placed on keeping convicts away from each other, inmates in this system “work with simple tools, and are largely taught trades,” according to the Wisconsin State Journal in 1887.[20] Simple tools and a workbench in each cell allowed convicts to create products such as nails, shoes, carded wool, and even clothing.[21] However, since the inmates did not have access to machinery, and they had to do every step of the manufacturing process by themselves, the products could not be overly complicated and they were not created in a timely manner, which meant that the convicts’ labor was not very economically efficient. A comparison of the expenses and earnings of twelve state prisons in 1851 demonstrates this inefficiency. For example, the expenses at the Philadelphia state prison (the Eastern State Penitentiary) totaled $17,339, compared to the $11,950 total earnings—not enough to sustain the costs of the system. (See Appendix A) Despite this knowledge, in response to a question about using machinery in prisons, Warden Cassidy states:
 

You go and fill your prisons with the most improved machinery and work against the laboring man outside. The free individual is entitled to some consideration. The State has no right to interfere with him in his labor, nor to run all sorts of improved machinery against him. Let the man outside use the machinery, and let the man inside use his hands. A man becomes a part of the machine when he works with it. The State has no right to make machines out of its prisoners.[22]

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Appendix A

​Source:  Martin B. Miller, “At Hard Labor: Rediscovering the 19th Century Prison.” Issues in Criminology 9, no. 1 (1974): 100. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42909697.

His words explain that officials of the separate system believed that they “had no right” to turn the prisoners into machines that could make them money, an additional example of their commitment to the well-being of the convicts. Cassidy’s words additionally demonstrate that despite knowing that the system could change to keep up with “the laboring man” outside, officials in the separate system did not want to. So, despite the Quakers’ wishes to create a prison system that focused on the true rehabilitation of its prisoners through spiritual means, their system’s labor and economic strategies did not allow for the system to thrive.


The silent system did not prioritize maintaining separation among convicts due to the Puritans’ beliefs, which led to a more prosperous labor system. Instead of working in their cells, the inmates spent their workday performing congregate labor in absolute silence and then returned to their individual cells for the remainder of the day. This practice allowed for the division of labor and assembly lines—methods that exponentially increased production capacity. Additionally, congregate labor allowed for more complex products to be produced, such as coco mats, hosiery, brooms, and silk, as a single convict did not have to create the entire product from start to finish with only basic tools.[23] Originally, the agent, a representative of the State, purchased raw materials for the convicts to work on and then sold the products in a prison store.[24] However, since money-making was a priority and this method was not as effective or economically beneficial as they wanted it to be, owners of silent system prisons switched to a type of leasing-out system. G. Powers, an agent at the Auburn State Prison with firsthand experience, writes: 
 

the Agent should make contracts for the labor, simply, of convicts with those who would fur­nish materials, and dispose of the articles manufactured, exclusively on their own account, by which means, great risks and losses are avoided, and much private capital and personal interest and enterprize are brought into action, in promoting the active and profitable em­ployment of convicts.[25]

Instead of taking on financial risks themselves, the agents, and therefore the state, found others to take on the risks for them. Additionally, his words “promoting the active and profitable employment of convicts” demonstrate that the mindset about this labor revolves around how much money it can make the government, as opposed to its effectiveness in reforming the prisoners. This mindset was successful, as the earlier 1851 comparison of expenses versus earnings shows the Auburn State Prison making a profit of $12,318, as opposed to the $5,389 deficit of the Philadelphia prison. (See Appendix A) In reference to a silent system-based prison, a Wisconsin newspaper writes:

[T]he prison becomes a great factory to produce one or more lines of goods. The convict contract labor system has been attacked by prison reformers, who object to it because they claim it makes money and not manhood the chief end of prison management, and by manufacturers and their employees, who object to the unfair competition of low-priced labor, whose production must go on without regard to the demand, and whose products must be sold at any price.[26]

Labor in the silent system was so effective that it began to compete with outside industry, as it was essentially a factory itself, except it reaped the financial benefits of not adhering to the rules and regulations that typically constrained factories. The claims of the prison reformers in this article additionally provide confirmation that the silent system’s objective was to make money through labor, as opposed to facilitating the development of convicts’ “manhood” or, in other words, their correction.


Religious influences in the formation of the new American penal system resulted in differing methods of convict management, and, consequently, differing economic priorities. The resulting relative economic success of the silent system eventually led to its rise over that of the separate system. This shift from spirituality- and reform-based prisons to more operationally efficient ones reflects the outside world’s changing priorities in an industrialized society. The emerging industrialism was inevitable, as the economy’s shift had already begun. The Puritans’ lack of strong religious practices in silent system prisons allowed the system to not only survive, but to succeed in the changing world. The Quakers’ beliefs, conversely, were incompatible with the changing economic conditions of the late 19th century, and, due to the strength of those beliefs, the Quakers refused to change. The resulting success of the silent system, and failure of the separate system, highlight the significant influence that adapting to the surrounding world can have. This reasoning, while specific to the American penal systems of the 1800s, also applies to the world at large. Practices that become successful at one point in time can just as easily begin to fail if they do not adapt to the changing world around them.

Bibliography

Primary Sources

​

Cassidy, Michael John. Warden Cassidy on Prisons and Convicts: Remarks from Observation and Experience Gained during Thirty-seven Years Continuous Service in the Administration of the Eastern State Penitentiary, Pennsylvania. Patterson & White, 1897. Digital file.


The Daily Record-Union (Sacramento, CA). Crime and Criminals. January 1, 1881, 20. https://basic.newspapers.com/image/488886903/?terms=silent%20system&match=1.


North American. (Philadelphia, PA) "The Auburn System a Failure." February 7, 1843. https://link-gale-com.hopkins.idm.oclc.org/apps/doc/GT3007887341/GDCS?u=s0936&sid=bookmark-GDCS&xid=d5f9ddc0.


Packard, Frederick Adolphus. Memorandum, "Memorandum of a Late Visit to the Auburn Penitentiary (prepared for the Philadelphia Society for the Alleviation of the Miseries of Public Prisons.)," 1842. https://digital.library.cornell.edu/catalog/ss:21820100.


Powers, G. "A Brief Account of the Construction, Management, and Discipline of the New York State Prison at Auburn Together with a Compendium of Criminal Law." 1826. Accessed February 4, 2023. https://digital.library.cornell.edu/catalog/ss:21820096.


Wisconsin State Journal (Madison, Wisconsin). "Charities and Reform." March 4, 1887, 4. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=EANX-K12&docref=image/v2%3A1134304DECE84EB0%40EANX-K12-11A1A2B380D057F0%402410335-11A1A2B3B98DA480%403-11A1A2B4B5227290%40Charities%2Band%2BReform.


 
Secondary Sources

​

Adamson, Christopher. "Evangelical Quakerism and the Early American Penitentiary Revisited: The Contributions of Thomas Eddy, Roberts Vaux, John Griscom, Stephen Grellet, Elisha Bates, and Isaac Hopper." Quaker History 90, no. 2 (2001): 35-58. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41947469.
This journal article explained in detail some of the connections between the Quakers and the separate system, providing examples of their influence.


Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. "The Pioneer in United States Prison Labor." Pennsylvania Department of Corrections. Accessed December 15, 2022. https://www.cor.pa.gov/PCI/Pages/History.aspx.


Dix, Dorothea Lynde. Asylum, Prison, and Poorhouse: The Writings and Reform Work of Dorothea Dix in Illinois. Edited by David L. Lightner. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1999.
While primarily focused on asylums and their connection to the prison systems, this book provided some examples of religious practices in the prisons.

 

Lewis, Orlando Faulkland. The Development of American Prisons and Prison Customs, 1776-1845: With Special Reference to Early Institutions in the State of New York. Prison Association of New York, 1922. PDF e-book.
Orlando Falkland Lewis, with a career in social work, writes about the function and practices of both the separate and silent systems.


Miller, Martin B. "At Hard Labor: Rediscovering the 19th Century Prison." Issues in Criminology 9, no. 1 (1974): 91–114. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42909697.
Martin B. Miller, a professor of criminology, discusses various aspects of labor in the American penal system. He additionally writes about the economics of these systems in relation to labor.


Roberts, Leonard H. "The Historic Roots of American Prison Reform: A Story of Progress and Failure." Journal of Correctional Education 36, no. 3 (1985): 106–9. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41970789.
In the Journal of Correctional Education, Leonard H. Roberts Ph.D. provides the explicit connection between both the Quakers with the separate system and the Puritans with the silent system.


Thibaut, Jacqueline. "'To Pave the Way to Penitence': Prisoners and Discipline at the Eastern State Penitentiary 1829-1835." The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 106, no. 2 (1982): 187–222. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20091663.
Jacqueline Thibaut highlights the importance of labor and solitary self-reflection in the separate system.


Tyler, Alice Felt. "Freedom's Ferment: Phases of American Social History from the Colonial period to the Outbreak of the Civil War." In Freedom's Ferment: Phases of American Social History from the Colonial period to the Outbreak of the Civil War. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1962. Previously published in Freedom's Ferment: Phases of American Social History to 1860. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1962.
In the chapter about prison systems, the author argues that the prison systems had a religious factor to them.


Vaux, Richard. "The Pennsylvania Prison System." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 21, no. 116 (June 1884): 651-64. https://www.jstor.org/stable/982344.
Richard Vaux, an inspector for the Eastern State Penitentiary, brings to light the mistreatment of convicts in early prisons and provides some alternate suggestions for better methods.
 

Footnotes

[1] Leonard H. Roberts "The Historic Roots of American Prison Reform: A Story of Progress and Failure." Journal of Correctional Education 36, no. 3 (1985): 106–9. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41970789.


[2] Christopher Adamson, "Evangelical Quakerism and the Early American Penitentiary Revisited: The Contributions of Thomas Eddy, Roberts Vaux, John Griscom, Stephen Grellet, Elisha Bates, and Isaac Hopper," Quaker History 90, no. 2 (2001): 36, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41947469


[3] Adamson, 36.


[4] Adamson, 36.


[5] Crime and Criminals, The Daily Record-Union (Sacramento, CA), January 1, 1881, https://basic.newspapers.com/image/488886903/?terms=silent%20system&match=1.


[6] Michael John Cassidy, Warden Cassidy on Prisons and Convicts: Remarks from Observation and Experience Gained during Thirty-seven Years Continuous Service in the Administration of the Eastern State Penitentiary, Pennsylvania (Patterson & White, 1897), 31, digital file.


[7] Dorothea Lynde Dix, Asylum, Prison, and Poorhouse: The Writings and Reform Work of Dorothea Dix in Illinois, ed. David L. Lightner (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1999)


[8]  Alice Felt Tyler, "Freedom's Ferment: Phases of American Social History from the Colonial period to the Outbreak of the Civil War," (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1962).


[9] G. Powers, "A Brief Account of the Construction, Management, and Discipline of the New York State Prison at Auburn Together with a Compendium of Criminal Law," 1826, accessed February 4, 2023, https://digital.library.cornell.edu/catalog/ss:21820096.


[10] "The Auburn System a Failure," North American, February 7, 1843, https://link-gale-com.hopkins.idm.oclc.org/apps/doc/GT3007887341/GDCS?u=s0936&sid=bookmark-GDCS&xid=d5f9ddc0. 


[11]  Powers, 17.


[12] Martin B. Miller, “At Hard Labor: Rediscovering the 19th Century Prison.” Issues in Criminology 9, no. 1 (1974): 94-5. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42909697.


[13] Powers, 62.


[14] Miller, 98. 


[15] Cassidy, 37.


[16] Cassidy, 30.


[17] Cassidy, 17.


[18] Cassidy, 17.


[19] Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, "The Pioneer in United States Prison Labor," Pennsylvania Department of Corrections, accessed December 15, 2022, https://www.cor.pa.gov/PCI/Pages/History.aspx. 


[20] "Charities and Reform," Wisconsin State Journal (Madison, Wisconsin), March 4, 1887, n.p.


[21] Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, "The Pioneer," Pennsylvania Department of Corrections.


[22] Cassidy, 30.


[23] Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, "The Pioneer," Pennsylvania Department of Corrections.


[24] Powers, 23.


[25] Powers, 23.


[26] "Charities and Reform," n.p.
 

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